Historical Background for Abolitionist Movement

 

“…the most important threat to slavery came from abolitionists who denounced slavery as immoral.”
(“Gilder Lehrman History Online,” Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History)

 

          The anti-slavery movement didn’t gain much headway until after 1830. The cotton boom in the South only helped to increase the planters resolve to retain their “peculiar” labor system (slavery).

One man, William Lloyd Garrison, dramatically helped to change this situation. “Garrison’s philosophy was so simple as to be genuinely revolutionary. Opponents of slavery, he said, should view the institution from the view of the black man, not the white slave owner…They should…demand the immediate, unconditional, universal abolition of slavery.” (Brinkley, American History, A Survey)

 

          Garrison soon attracted a large group of followers through the North, enough to enable him to found the New England AntiSlavery Society in 1832 and a year later…., the American Antislavery Society. Membership in the new organization mushroomed. By 1835, there were more than 400 chapters of the societies; by 1838, there were 1,350 with more than 250,000 members. Antislavery sentiment was developing a strength…greater than at any point in the nation’s history.

 

          Theodore Dwight Weld, a prominent New England abolitionist (husband of Angelina Grimke) in a letter to Garrison wrote that slavery was a sin because…”no condition of birth, no shade of color, no mere misfortune of circumstances can annul the birthright charter, which God has bequeathed (given) to every being upon whom he has stamped his own image, by making him a free moral agent.” (Brinkley, American History, A Survey)

 

          The question raised by the Abolitionists did not only deal directly with moral issues. Some opponents of slavery questioned how the Northerners could openly oppose slavery and yet still purchase southern goods.

 

The Free Labor Question

 

“About the year 1844 I became so strongly impressed with the horrors of slavery, and its results, which were ever before me, that I was led to reflect more deeply on the subject than I had done before, and to view it in all its practical bearings. I read the testimony of John Woolman and other writers, and became convinced that it was wrong to use the product of slave labor. I felt that it was inconsistent to condemn slaveholders for withholding from their fellow-men their just, natural and God-given rights, and then, by purchasing the fruits of the labor of their slaves, give them the strongest motive for continuing their wickedness and oppression.

 

Knowing so well the sad realities of life on the Southern plantations, I felt that in purchasing and using cloth made from cotton, grown by slaves, I made use of a product which had been planted by an oppressed laborer, fanned by sighs, watered with tears, and perhaps dressed with the blood of the victim. The words of John Woolman found an echo in my heart: ‘Seed sown with the tears of a confined, oppressed people-harvests cuts down by an overborne, discontented reaper, make bread less sweet to the taste of an honest man, than that which is the produce or just reward of such voluntary action as is a proper part of the business of human creatures.’

 

The free States furnished a good market for the products of the South, and made slave labor valuable to the master. If it had not been so, then John Randolph’s prophecy would have been fulfilled—the slave would not have runaway from his master, but the master from his slaves, for they would have been a burden and expense to him. The object of the slaveholder was to make money by selling the cotton, sugar, etc., produced by this slaves, and without a market for these he would have been deprived of the great motive for holding the negroes in bondage. Northern consumers, by their demand for articles thus produced, stimulated the system by which they were produced, and furnished the strongest incentive for its continuance.

 

I felt by purchasing the products of slave labor, I was lending my individual encouragement to the system by which, in order to get their labor without wages, the slaves were robbed of everything else. In the language of Charles Stuart: ‘Their bodies are stolen, their liberty, their right to their wives and children, their right to cultivate their minds and to worship God and they please, their reputation, hope, all virtuous motives, are taken away by a legalized system of most merciless and consummate iniquity. Such is the expense at which articles produced by slave labor are attained. They are always heavy with the groans and often met with the blood of the guiltless and suffering poor’ ‘If our moral sense would revolt at holding a slave ourselves and using his unpaid labor, it should also revolt at using his unpaid toil when held by another.’

 

With these strong convictions, I determined, as a matter of conscience, to abstain so far as I could from the products of slavery.